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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
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연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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Artisans had autonomously decided the work processes and the wages in the traditional craft production, and their workshops was the basic unit of artisans' community. Between 1780 and 1820, however, the craft economy was radically transformed. The major impetus for change came from expanding markets. Recent work by a number of labor historians has shown that metropolitan industrialization did not proceed directly from craft to factory production in a single bound, but rather followed a more uneven course. Production was expanded in the antebellum decades through the reorganization of work and the division of labor rather than through the adoption of new machinery and methods of production.
The high point of artisan protest, at least in New York and Philadelphia, was reached in the 1820s and 1830s with the formation of three successive workingmen's organizations: the Working Men's political parties of 1827-1831; the city-based General Trades' Unions of 1833-1839; and the Loco-foco Party in New York City of 1835-1837. Although none of these organizations lasted more than a few years, they have been viewed by many historians as the first signs of working-class consciousness in the United States. Artisans responded to metropolitan industrialization by calling into question existing economic and social relations and constructing in their stead a new, more class-conscious view of the world.
Especially, the Working Men's parties and GTUs displayed a new level of collective identity or solidarity that enabled artisans to unite across the traditional boundaries of their trades. Thus, in the 1820s and 1830s, artisans' loyalties were no longer restricted to their craft, but increasingly were drawn along class lines, as artisans and employers began to organize across trades. Artisans drew on long-standing republican values to criticize the new economic order. Artisans extended the eighteenth-century assumptions to their own world, the world of work and production, and created their own variation on republican themes. Displaced artisans drew on republican notions of political rights and civic participation in order to protest the economic inequalities that accompanied industrialization. The major contribution of the republican tradition was that it provided displaced journeymen with a set of values and precepts with which to challenge the economic changes under way in the early nineteenth century.
However, the principal social cleavage in the 1820s and 1830s was not yet between labor and capital, or workers and employers. Instead, skilled artisans considered themselves to be producers, allied with master craftsmen, small manufacturers, and farmers against the non-producing classes. Bankers, lawyers, merchants, and land speculators were the quintessential nonproducers. Producers were well aware that the world of work had changed dramatically in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. But producers did not understand such a change in the context of a struggle between capital and labor, but saw them in light of their established worldview. The division between producers and nonproducers undergirded antebellum social relations and political alliances as well.
By 1870, workers' optimism about the possibility of sustaining a decentralized political economy based on the republical values had been considerably shaken. The process of industrialization in the United States shattered the producers' vision of regional economic growth, and as a consequence transformed workers' relationship to the state.
The high point of artisan protest, at least in New York and Philadelphia, was reached in the 1820s and 1830s with the formation of three successive workingmen's organizations: the Working Men's political parties of 1827-1831; the city-based General Trades' Unions of 1833-1839; and the Loco-foco Party in New York City of 1835-1837. Although none of these organizations lasted more than a few years, they have been viewed by many historians as the first signs of working-class consciousness in the United States. Artisans responded to metropolitan industrialization by calling into question existing economic and social relations and constructing in their stead a new, more class-conscious view of the world.
Especially, the Working Men's parties and GTUs displayed a new level of collective identity or solidarity that enabled artisans to unite across the traditional boundaries of their trades. Thus, in the 1820s and 1830s, artisans' loyalties were no longer restricted to their craft, but increasingly were drawn along class lines, as artisans and employers began to organize across trades. Artisans drew on long-standing republican values to criticize the new economic order. Artisans extended the eighteenth-century assumptions to their own world, the world of work and production, and created their own variation on republican themes. Displaced artisans drew on republican notions of political rights and civic participation in order to protest the economic inequalities that accompanied industrialization. The major contribution of the republican tradition was that it provided displaced journeymen with a set of values and precepts with which to challenge the economic changes under way in the early nineteenth century.
However, the principal social cleavage in the 1820s and 1830s was not yet between labor and capital, or workers and employers. Instead, skilled artisans considered themselves to be producers, allied with master craftsmen, small manufacturers, and farmers against the non-producing classes. Bankers, lawyers, merchants, and land speculators were the quintessential nonproducers. Producers were well aware that the world of work had changed dramatically in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. But producers did not understand such a change in the context of a struggle between capital and labor, but saw them in light of their established worldview. The division between producers and nonproducers undergirded antebellum social relations and political alliances as well.
By 1870, workers' optimism about the possibility of sustaining a decentralized political economy based on the republical values had been considerably shaken. The process of industrialization in the United States shattered the producers' vision of regional economic growth, and as a consequence transformed workers' relationship to the state.
목차
1. 머리말
2. 手工業 勞動者들의 階級活動
3. 手工業 勞動者들의 階級意識과 階級關係
4. 맺는말
Abstract
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