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This study deals with backward binding constructions involving psych and causative verbs in English. It particularly focuses on what appear to be cases of backward anaphora that have raised several problems in the area of the binding theory, with concomitant violations of c-command and weak crossover. This study also discusses how movement out of the subject (or adjunct) is indeed possible in the backward binding constructions in English without violating the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED).
This paper shows that it is possible to explain the relation of backward binding phenomena between the anaphora and their antecedents if we adopt a movement approach. This study shows that backward binding constructions are the residues of the overt sideward A-movement (Copy plus Merge) by the derivationa1 approach. However, it points out that sideward movement resulting in overgeneration, locality, and Minimal Link Condition would pose theoretical implications that have yet to be explained. Nonetheless, this paper argues that sideward movement without c-command relationship is an unavoidable necessity in order to derive the backward binding constructions successfully, showing that the subject (or adjunct) is not intrinsically an island and that the timing in a derivation decides whether the subject (or adjunct) is an island. Thus, this paper concludes that sideward movement provides the only viable approach to backward binding phenomena.
This paper shows that it is possible to explain the relation of backward binding phenomena between the anaphora and their antecedents if we adopt a movement approach. This study shows that backward binding constructions are the residues of the overt sideward A-movement (Copy plus Merge) by the derivationa1 approach. However, it points out that sideward movement resulting in overgeneration, locality, and Minimal Link Condition would pose theoretical implications that have yet to be explained. Nonetheless, this paper argues that sideward movement without c-command relationship is an unavoidable necessity in order to derive the backward binding constructions successfully, showing that the subject (or adjunct) is not intrinsically an island and that the timing in a derivation decides whether the subject (or adjunct) is an island. Thus, this paper concludes that sideward movement provides the only viable approach to backward binding phenomena.
목차
Ⅰ. 서론
Ⅱ. 역행 결속구문의 문제점
Ⅲ. 역행 결속구문의 통사적 제약 및 특성
Ⅳ. 역행 결속구문의 이동분석
Ⅴ. 요약 및 결론
인용문헌
Abstract
참고문헌 (27)
참고문헌 신청
1. [단행본] - Baker,M / 1988 / Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing / Chicago University Press
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Belletti, A / 1988 / Psych Verbs - Verbs and Theta Theory / Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6 : 291 ~ 352
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Boeckx, C / 2004 / Movement under Control / Natural Language Semantics 14 : 1 ~ 56
4. [단행본] - Boeckx, C / 2007 / On (Non-) Obligatory Control. New Horizons in the Analysis of Control and Raising : 251 ~ 262
5. [단행본] - Chomsky,N / 1981 / ectures on Government and Binding / Foris
2. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Belletti, A / 1988 / Psych Verbs - Verbs and Theta Theory / Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6 : 291 ~ 352
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - Boeckx, C / 2004 / Movement under Control / Natural Language Semantics 14 : 1 ~ 56
4. [단행본] - Boeckx, C / 2007 / On (Non-) Obligatory Control. New Horizons in the Analysis of Control and Raising : 251 ~ 262
5. [단행본] - Chomsky,N / 1981 / ectures on Government and Binding / Foris
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