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논문 기본 정보
- 자료유형
- 학술대회자료
- 저자정보
- 발행연도
- 2005.11
- 수록면
- 109 - 124 (16page)
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In the Slavic languages, both contemporary and historical, there are two general functions for the verb 'be': as the copula and as auxiliary for the perfect tense (which in most Slavic languages has turned into the sole past tense, thereby losing the meaning of the perfect). The problem addressed in this paper is: should the copula and the auxiliary be regarded as the same lexeme (with two separate morphosyntactic functions) or as two separate lexemes which are also homonyms. The answer to this question is "yes", i.e., both answers are possible in different languages, depending upon the development of the language in question and the specific goals of the linguist analyzing the data.
The original Slavic situation, as represented by early Old Russian (continuing Late Common Slavic), should generally be regarded as involving a single lexeme with two distinct functions. The main evidence for this is the identical morphosyntactic behavior evinced by the verb 'be' in both functions, i.e., there is no evidence for separate lexemes, and the default analysis, under Occam's Razor, is one lexeme rather than two.
However, historical developments have altered the relationship between copula and auxiliary in the South and West Slavic languages. Six languages are surveyed: Slovene, Serbian/Croatian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Czech, and Slovak. The results range from clearly one single lexeme in Slovene to clearly two lexemes in Czech, with the other languages falling somewhere in between the two extremes.
Old Russian is particularly interesting, because both present-tense copula and perfect auxiliary have been lost in modem language. The question arises, did the two functions separate into two lexemes and then disappear independently, or did they remain one lexeme in Old Russian and disappear together? Statistical data from analysis of twelve late Old Russian texts shows differences in the frequency of copula and auxiliary: the auxiliary disappeared from the language of these written texts earlier than the copula. However, it is nonetheless argued that they remained a single lexeme until their disappearance, and the frequency differences are explained as due to the different functional load of grammatical features in the copula and auxiliary.
The original Slavic situation, as represented by early Old Russian (continuing Late Common Slavic), should generally be regarded as involving a single lexeme with two distinct functions. The main evidence for this is the identical morphosyntactic behavior evinced by the verb 'be' in both functions, i.e., there is no evidence for separate lexemes, and the default analysis, under Occam's Razor, is one lexeme rather than two.
However, historical developments have altered the relationship between copula and auxiliary in the South and West Slavic languages. Six languages are surveyed: Slovene, Serbian/Croatian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Czech, and Slovak. The results range from clearly one single lexeme in Slovene to clearly two lexemes in Czech, with the other languages falling somewhere in between the two extremes.
Old Russian is particularly interesting, because both present-tense copula and perfect auxiliary have been lost in modem language. The question arises, did the two functions separate into two lexemes and then disappear independently, or did they remain one lexeme in Old Russian and disappear together? Statistical data from analysis of twelve late Old Russian texts shows differences in the frequency of copula and auxiliary: the auxiliary disappeared from the language of these written texts earlier than the copula. However, it is nonetheless argued that they remained a single lexeme until their disappearance, and the frequency differences are explained as due to the different functional load of grammatical features in the copula and auxiliary.
목차
1. Введение
2. Происхождение: Связка и вспомогательный глагол быти в древнерусском языке
3. Расхождение связки и вспомогательного глагола в современных славянских языках
4. Исчезновение связки и вспомогательного глагола в истории русского языка
5. Заключение
Bibliography
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