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This paper attempts to examine whether Korean is a topic oriented language, by scrutinizing the interpretational aspects of the celebrated phenomenon of null arguments in this language. We first show that the embedded null subject in Korean is evidently distinguished from its counterpart in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and Finnish where the embedded null subject is required to be bound by the closest c-commanding topic element. Assuming Abe's (2009) thesis that the null argument in Japanese loses a quantificational reading when it is c-commanded by its quantificational antecedent, we then investigate the interpretational features of the embedded null subject in Korean and show that the alleged null topic that binds the null (matrix/embedded) subject does not play any significant role in Korean grammar. In essence, this paper argues that the interpretational properties of null arguments in Korean point to the fact that this language is not topic oriented.
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참고문헌 (24)
참고문헌 신청
Abe, Jun / 2009 / The Dynamics of the Language Faculty: Perspectives from Linguistics and Cognitive Neuroscience / Kuroshio Publishers : 135 ~ 162
Barbosa, Pilar / / Pro as a minimal NP: Towards a unified approach to pro-drop
Campos, Hector / 1986 / Indefinite object drop / Linguistic Inquiry 17 : 354 ~ 359
Frascarelli, Mara / 2007 / Subjects, topics and the interpretation of referential pro / Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25 (4) : 691 ~ 734
Gutman, Eynat / 2004 / Third person null subjects in Hebrew, Finnish and Rumanian: An accessibility-theoretic account / Journal of Linguistics 40 : 463 ~ 490
Barbosa, Pilar / / Pro as a minimal NP: Towards a unified approach to pro-drop
Campos, Hector / 1986 / Indefinite object drop / Linguistic Inquiry 17 : 354 ~ 359
Frascarelli, Mara / 2007 / Subjects, topics and the interpretation of referential pro / Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25 (4) : 691 ~ 734
Gutman, Eynat / 2004 / Third person null subjects in Hebrew, Finnish and Rumanian: An accessibility-theoretic account / Journal of Linguistics 40 : 463 ~ 490
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