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This paper concerns the so-called Swiping elliptical construction in English involving a wh-phrase followed by a preposition (e.g., Where from? as a response to I just moved here). The construction displays quite idiosyncratic properties in many respects: it applies only to a limited set of wh-expressions and prepositions, occurs only in Sluicing environments, and typically disallows an overt correlate in the antecedent clause. The paper reports a corpus investigation for the uses of the construction in real life and suggests a direct interpretation (DI) approach couched upon a construction-based HPSG framework that posits neither clausal sources nor derivational processes. It shows that the DI analysis can serve better in accounting for the semi-productive Swiping construction in English.
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참고문헌 (42)
참고문헌 신청
Büring, Daniel / 2007 / The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Interfaces / Oxford University Press :445~474
Chung, Sandra / 1995 / Sluicing and logical form / Natural Language Semantics 3:239~282
Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van / 2004 / Ellipsis in Dutch dialects
Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van / 2010 / The Syntax of Ellipsis: Evidence from Dutch Dialects / Oxford University Press
Culicover, Peter W. / 1999 / Syntactic Nuts: Hard Cases, Syntactic Theory, and Language Acquisition / Oxford University Press
Chung, Sandra / 1995 / Sluicing and logical form / Natural Language Semantics 3:239~282
Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van / 2004 / Ellipsis in Dutch dialects
Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van / 2010 / The Syntax of Ellipsis: Evidence from Dutch Dialects / Oxford University Press
Culicover, Peter W. / 1999 / Syntactic Nuts: Hard Cases, Syntactic Theory, and Language Acquisition / Oxford University Press
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