This study is to research governing over other ethnic groups in Thai society and to identify hybrid identity of Kachins who immigrate from Myanmar to Thailand. To put it concretely, based on case study of Kachin migrants from Myanmar to Chiang Mai, Thailand, this study is first, to clarify the non-systematization of naming and classification for foreign migrants or ethnic minorities in Thailand society, who belong to lower class in legal or social system, second, to examine the management policies of Thailand government for non-Thai population, third, to look into commercialization and instrumentation(exploitation) of ethnic minorities which happen routinely and conventionally in Thailand, and finally, to inquire into formation and localization of Kachins’ identity through their migrating to other country. Conclusions of this study are as follows.
First of all, this study found out various governing ways in Thailand that othernize other ethnic minorities and their political effects. There are two governing ways, naming and classification. For example, Kachins from Chiang Mai are segmented by being called with their specific native or origin places such as ‘hill tribes’, ‘migrant labors’, ‘Burmese’ etc. These namings imply negative meanings such as objects of civilization through disciplines and guidance, potential criminals and drug users, violent and harsh members of hostile country, or danger of communism and military dictatorship, respectively. Classification also defines an individual in a similar manner. If an individual is not a member of Thais, major ethnic group, in other words, belongs to non-Thais, he or she is identified with negative ‘others’. Ironically, even the same foreigner, the one from Western or developed Asian countries is classified into another hierarchy by naming differently. At this time another stratification is created. In this way, naming and classification complement and reinforce many political effects by getting intertwined like a Mobius strip.
Thais establish and strengthen their own identity by forming negative ‘others’ through naming and classification and placing themselves in counter-class. This phenomenon is still underway. They are only changing the attributes of objects and re-defining ‘others’ in accordance with their practical interests from a current viewpoint. This naming and classification made physical entities with I.D. cards which can identify the object. The I.D. cards are classified by numbers and colors. This classification makes the difference of social position and status and functions as a measure which judges card holder’s accessibility to rights. The politics of colors and numbers of cards produces the difference of social members and accordingly decides their hierarchy and class. This classification justifies acts that Thais exploit, exclude, and instrumentate ‘others’ who belong to lower class and are not sound Thais.
Meanwhile, ‘others’ in Thailand including Kachins, especially, hill tribes are mobilized in Thai society as goods and resources. Exotic hill tribes are commercialized for tourism by Thai government. They have modified some of their intrinsic ethnicity, routinizing their ethnic rituals and selling their crafts. It is to raise their own commodity value and place themselves within fence of Thailand, without running counter to Thainess. In addition, hill tribes are mobilized for national ceremonies or commemoration events as a part for Thainess. Mobilization for both commercialization and tourism resource has been used to highlight the generosity accepting non-Thais as king''s subjects and the diversity of Thailand.
Second, this study examined how the identity of Kachins who migrated to new place and time had changed. It is about formation of identity of Kachin migrants in Thailand. Kachin migrants have lived in the fence of Thai legal and social restriction and regulation such as naming and classification. These various regulation and restriction on their rights determine their position and status and affect their social identity. Kachin migrants from Shan state and Kachin state, Myanmar to Chiang Mai, Thailand built their own communities through common ethnic characteristics. WCC(Wunpawng Christian Church) and village of Ban Mai Samakkhi have served as a place for inspiring the sense of kinship and maintaining or reinforcing their identity. Their ethnic rituals such as Manao festival and Kin-Khaw-Mai(means ‘having a new rice’) also inspire their sense of kinship. Kachins originally established their homogeneous identity based on the same political system and geographical category rather than their linguistic and cultural homogeneity. After escaping from British colonial rule, Kachin elites adopted Jinghpaw language as a central dialect and Christianity as a powerful integration system. Further, Pan-Kachin identity was reinforced through the resistance against Myanmar''s government and military. This Pan-Kachin identity was reinforced more in a foreign country, Thailand. Because it was strategically more beneficial to use Pan-Kachin identity rather than to devide them into subgroups or clans for ethnic minority Kachins to manage their lives in Thailand.
Internal differentiation, however, is on the march even in special circumstances where Pan-Kachin identity is emphasized. In a certain social context, Thailand, individuals belong to different position and status and have different first language and ID card with a different color, based on their origin country. Also subgroups or clans within Kachins can be a factor to cause somehow internal differentiation. That is, internal differentiation occurs due to many causes such as citizenship, ownership, origin country, and Thai verbal skills of migrants, also difference between generations. And individuals make use of their identity strategically according to their circumstances and situations.
Finally, this study looked into the relation between definition of ‘othernization’ and their ethnic identity. ‘Others’ including Kachin migrants in Thailand have been imaged negatively through naming, classification, and instrumentation. This image is represented on many media and accordingly negative bias and prejudice against them are reproduced. It affects Kachin migrants, making them not only consider themselves inferior to Thais, but also improve their independent awareness by rejecting and resisting their negative images. Though it is very hard to resist actively their negative images in reality because of their position and status, they try to perceive themselves as positive entities by solacing themselves and highlighting their own virtues even through passive resistance such as scratching and speaking ill of Thais in their everyday lives. In addition, they develop strategically their flexible identity by making the best use of their own position and status and show the tendency to cross flexibly between Thais and Kachins like a pendulum as generations change from one to the next. That is, Kachin migrants emphasize their homogeneity with Pan-Kachin identity while they present the hybrid and flexible identity strategically in context with their position and circumstance under paradoxical situations where social differentiation constantly occurs.
Abstract ⅵⅠ. 서론 11. 연구의 목적 및 필요성 52. 이론적 배경 및 선행연구검토 91) 종족, 민족, 타자(성) 관련 연구 112) 타 종족에 대한 명명, 분류, 범주화 관련 연구 233) 이주, 시민권 관련 연구 263. 연구대상 및 방법 311) 연구대상 312) 현지연구 364. 연구내용 및 논문의 구성 43Ⅱ. 태국-미얀마 관계 변동과 카친족의 이주 501. 태국-미얀마 관계 변동 511) 1988년 이전의 태국-미얀마 관계 512) 미얀마 외교 정책의 변화와 아세안 가입에 따른 변화 542. 미얀마 인구와 카친족의 태국 이주 561) 이주의 원인 572) 아세안 공동체 출범과 노동 이주 613) 카친족 이주 역사 개관 713. 고산족에서 도시민으로 741) 생활환경의 변화와 도시 생활에의 적응 752) 태국 사회에의 동화(同化)의 단면 - 쏭끄란 축제 속 카친족 803) 타 종족과의 관계 844. 소결 96Ⅲ. 법적/제도적 영역의 통치: 국민(신민)/타자의 규정과 그 효과 991. ‘타이’ 민족성의 구성 1011) 태국의 ‘민족’ 개념 1012) ‘타이’ 민족성의 구성 1042. 타 종족에 대한 명명(命名)과 범주화 1101) 명명 1112) 범주화 1153) 다양한 아이디카드의 발명 1223. 비(非)가시화와 이중의 주변화를 겪는 카친족 이주민 1294. 소결 135Ⅳ. 일상적/관습적 영역의 통치: 상품화와 도구화 1371. 상품화된 종족 1371) 종족 없는 종족관광 1382) 마을 차원의 종족관광 1483) 고산족 상품의 전시장 1532. 일상적으로 도구화된 타자들 1611) 무시와 배제 1622) 착취와 자원화 1733. 타자에 대한 미디어의 재현 - 타(他)를 통해 아(我) 들여다보기 1834. 소결 190Ⅴ. 이주민으로서 카친족 종족 정체성의 변화 1931. ‘하나의 카친’ 만들기 1951) 시공간 - 낯선 타국 1962) 언어 - 징퍼어 1983) 종교 - 기독교 2012. 종족 정체성의 유지 및 강화 2021) 종족 의례(마나오 의례, 낀카우마이 의례) 2032) 카친족 전유 공간(WCC, 반마이싸막키) 2133. 카친족 내부의 분화 2201) 서브그룹과 씨족 출신에 따른 위계 2212) 출생국가와 제1언어 2233) 사회적 지위와 신분증 2244. 수용과 저항을 넘어 - 유연한 카친족 이주민 되기 2275. 소결 229Ⅵ. 결론 2311. 이방인과 나 2312. 타자, 통치, 정체성 2323. 절대적 환대에 대한 제언 2354. 연구의 의의 및 향후 과제 237참고문헌 241