본 연구는 상해 공공조계의 중국인이, 1919년에서 1937년 기간에 자신들의 권리를 자각하여 시정에 참여하고 권익을 신장해 가는 과정을 고찰하였다. 그 속에서 이민도시 상해로 모여든 중국인이 사회적 관계망을 통해 단체를 결성하고 공적 활동에 참여하며, 상해인으로서의 정체성을 형성해 가는 양상에 유의하였다.
공공조계에서 중국인의 시정참여 요구는 1919년 4월의 증세 결정에 항의하면서 본격화되었다. 이때는 총상회와 상총연회를 비롯한 상인단체가 중심이 되어 화인동사의 참정과 장정의 개정을 요구했으나, 화인고문회의 성립에 그쳤다. 그러나 이 과정에서 중국인의 이익을 대변하기 위한 공부국과의 교섭기구로 납세화인회가 조직되었다.
국민혁명운동이 전개되는 가운데, 5.30 사건이 일어나자 상해의 조계는 중국인 전체의 문제가 되었다. 상총연회에서 왕한량, 왕연송 등이 국민당에 가입했고, 참정운동에 왕정정을 비롯한 정치가 및 정치세력이 합세했다. 공상학연합회와 총상회는 외국인만으로 구성된 동사회와 납세인회를 중국인과 공동으로 조직할 것을 주장했다. 1926년 4월에 조계당국이 화인동사 3명에 의한 참정을 결정했지만, 중국인은 납세액에 비례하는 동사의 의석수를 요구했다.
북벌군이 활약하면서 상해의 안전이 위협받자, 공상학연합회는 시민공회를 조직하여 자치시를 건립하고자 했다. 상해의 중국인에게 상해라는 도시 공간에 대한 소속감, 책임감, 주인의식 등의 지역정체성이 발현된 것이다. 이것은 공공조계 중국인의 참정운동 경험을 살린 것으로 이후 납세화인회의 개편과 활동에 영향을 미쳤다.
1928년부터 중국인의 시정참여가 본격화되었다. 화인동사에 선출된 사람은 대체로 고등교육을 받고 외교사무나 국제업무 경험이 있는 공상계 인물이었다. 1930년대에 화인위원에 선출된 사람 중에는 공상계 인물 외에 아동교육가, 방직업자, 국민당원 등도 포함되었다. 공부국은 교육, 의료, 문화 각 방면의 전문가를 화인위원으로 초빙했는데, 1930년대에 그 수가 30여 명에 이르렀다.
조계시정에 참여한 중국인 중에는 정부기관에서 근무한 적이 있거나, 정부관원과 자주 접촉하며 국민당 정부와 친밀하거나 원만한 관계에 있는 사람들이 많았다. 특히 조계 중국인 사회의 핵심인물이었던 우흡경과 왕효뢰는 국민당 정부와 긴밀한 관계에 있었다. 중국인은 이런 사람이 자신들의 이익을 대변하기에 더 유리하다고 여겼고, 공부국도 중국 정부를 의식하여 이런 사람을 선호했다.
공부국의 행정력은 전체 상해사회에 영향을 끼쳤기 때문에, 중국인의 시정참여는 상해인 전체를 대변하는 일이기도 했다. 중국인의 참정이 실현되면서 중국인도 공원 이용이 가능해졌고, 중문판 공문도 발간되었으며, 교육과 의료 행정에 중국인도 포함되었다. 공공요금 인상문제로 공부국에 대항하는 과정에서 상층의 중국인뿐 아니라 일반인도 상해의 공적 활동에 참여함으로써 상해인으로서의 결속을 다져나갔다.
공부국의 중국인 직원 즉, 화원의 채용도 점차 증가했다. 이들은 서양인 직원과의 동등한 대우와 권익을 보장받기 위해 화원총회를 결성했다. 화원총회는 공부국과의 교섭을 통해 화원도 시정세 면제, 퇴직연금제도, 신년보너스, 장단기휴가 등의 혜택을 누릴 수 있게 했다. 시정담당자로서의 실무지식과 자질 함양을 위한 활동을 공유하며, 상해시 전체 시정을 염두에 둔 듯한 모습을 보이기도 했다. 화원의 이런 활동은 직장을 중심으로 동질감을 느끼며 주체적인 개인으로 성장해 가는 상해인의 사례를 보여주었다.
본 연구가 갖는 의미는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 중국인의 시정참여와 권익신장 활동을 통해 자본가, 지역 명망가 등 상층의 인사뿐 아니라 공부국의 화원과 일반인도 사회적 관계망과 여론을 통해 상해인으로서의 정체성을 형성하고 결속해 갔음을 밝혔다. 둘째, 중국인이 모방과 학습을 넘어 조계권력과 공존하며 경쟁하는 단계로 나아갔음을 드러냈다. 납세화인회와 화원총회의 활동이 보여주듯, 중국인은 구미 열강의 논리로 공부국에 대항했다. 그리하여 공부국도 중국인과 좋은 관계를 유지하려고 했고, 서양인 직원들도 공부국의 달라진 분위기를 의식했다. 셋째, 조계에서의 식민성이 점차 해소되고, 중국인의 근대 시민으로의 성장이 촉진되었음을 보여주었다. 조계는 중국인에게 의무만 있고 권리는 없는 식민성의 공간이었고, 화원 역시 급여와 승진에서 차별을 받고 있었다. 중국인의 참정이 실현되면서 이런 상황은 개선되었고, 그 과정에서 중국인은 독립적이고 자율적인 개인으로 성장할 수 있었다.

This study examines how Chinese residents of the Shanghai International Settlement from 1919 to 1937 began to enhance their participation in municipal administration and expanded their rights and interests. Focus was placed on how the Chinese people who had gathered in Shanghai, a city of immigrants, gradually developed a sense of Shanghainese identity by investigating their group formation through social networking and participation in public activities.
The Chinese demand on expanding participation in municipal administration was triggered by a tax increase decision in April 1919 which was met with a large protest. At the time, merchant organizations such as the General Chamber of Commerce (總商會) and the Street Unions (商總聯會) took the lead, requesting for regulation amendment and for Chinese Councilors (華董) who were expected to participate in political affairs, but their efforts resulted in merely establishing a Chinese Advisory Committee (華人顧問會). However, the Chinese Tax-payers’ Association (納稅華人會, CTA) was established in the process, which functioned as a institution that negotiated with the Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) while representing the interests of the Chinese people.
The May 30 incident (the Shanghai massacre of 1925) which occurred in the course of the Chinese National Revolutionary Movement made issues regarding the Shanghai Settlement a problem for the Chinese people in general. Wang Han-liang (王漢良) and Wang Yan-song (王延松), members of the Street Unions, joined Kuomintang (KMT, Chinese Nationalist Party) while politicians such as Wang Zheng-ting (王正廷) and some political groups affiliated with the political rights movement. The Federation of Wokers, Merchants, and Students (工商學聯合會) and the General Chamber of Commerce insisted that the Chinese should jointly engage in organizing the Council (董事會) and the Tax-payers’ Association (納稅人會) which were consisted only of foreigners at the time. The authorities of the Shanghai International Settlement decided on three Chinese councilors to participate in politic affairs, but the Chinese requested a number of seats proportional to the amount of the tax paid by the Chinese people.
As the security threat of Shanghai was heightened due to the Northern Expedition activities, the Federation of Wokers, Merchants, and Students organized a Public Citizen Association (市民公會) in order to establish their own local government. This movement was an expression of a local identity among the Chinese population in Shanghai including a sense of affiliation, responsibility, and ownership. As it was based on the experience of the political rights movement in the Shanghai International Settlement, it affected the reorganization and activities of the CTA in the settlement.
Chinese participation in municipal administration became full-fledged from 1928. Those elected as the Chinese councilors were generally entrepreneurs of commerce or industry with higher education and had experience in diplomatic or international affairs. Among the people elected as Chinese committee members (華委) in the 1930s were children educators, textile manufacturers, and national party members, which were an addition to figures with commercial or industrial backgrounds. The Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) invited experts from various fields including education, medical care, and culture to the committee in SMC, and in the 1930s, around thirty experts were participating in the committee.
Many of the Chinese who participated in this Municipal administration had formerly worked for government agencies or had fostered close and amicable relations with the Kuomintang government by frequently contacting with government officials. Particularly, Yu Qia-qing (虞洽卿) and Wang Xiao-lai (王曉?) , who were key figures within the Chinese society in the international settlement, had close relations with the KMT government. These figures were favored both by the Chinese and the SMC since the former considered them to be appropriate in representing their rights and interest and the later was cautious of the Chinese government.
Since the SMC had administrative authority over the entire Shanghai society, Chinese participation in the municipal administration had a representative affect to all Shanghainese people. The enhancement of Chinese political participation enabled the Chinese people to visit public parks. Official documents were published in Chinese, and the education and medical administration were broadened to include Chinese people. Protest against SMC regarding an increase in public utility charges led the ordinary Chinese people along with the upper class Chinese to participate in public activities and, therefore, strengthened a sense of community among the Shanghai citizens.
The number of Chinese employees in SMC also gradually increased. These Chinese members formed a Chinese Staff Association (華員總會) in order to ensure equal treatment between them and the Western employees and to enhance their rights and interests. Through negotiations with SMC, the Chinese Staff Association enabled the Chinese employee to enjoy various benefits including city government tax exemption, retirement pension system, New Year’s bonus, and short and long-term vacations. Members participated in co-activities to develop professional competence and qualifications as city administration managers and appeared to have a more holistic sense regarding the entire Shanghai city administration. These activities led by the Chinese staff members can be seen as an example of how Shanghainese people came to be an independent individual by feeling a sense of unity in his workplace.
The significance of this study can be summarized as follows. First, Chinese participation in municipal administration and their promotion of rights and interests shows that not only figures of high social status such as capitalists and local influentials but also the Chinese staff members in SMC along with the common people outside the office were developing a Shanghainese identity through social networks and public opinion. Second, the study reveals that the Chinese went beyond imitating and learning from the settlement authorities and progressively became to coexist and compete with them. As shown in the activities of the Chinese Taxpayers’ Association and the Chinese Staff Association, the Chinese protested against SMC by utilizing the logic of the Western forces. Therefore, the SMC sought to maintain a good relationship with the Chinese and the European staff members in SMC also were aware of the atmospheric change. Third, this study illustrates that the colonialism in the international settlement was gradually dissolved and the Chinese people were growing into modern citizens. The settlement was a colonial space where Chinese were assigned with duties and had no rights. The Chinese staff were also discriminated against in terms of salary and promotion. As the Chinese political participation increased, the situation improved and the Chinese people could develop into independent and self-regulating individuals.