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The aim of this paper is to elucidate the real meaning and effects of the cultural revolution in the years of 1928-1932 in the early stage of Stalinist regime. The first official object of the 'cultural revolution' campaign was to wage the class struggle in the name of proletariat revolution against bourgeois elements, who had the higher education under the old regime, in the academic and cultural circles of universities, institutions and various intellectual organs. The second aim of cultural revolution was to to provide basic education for the masses of the iliterate population in the workers' and peasants state. The third important aim of the campaign was to create a new proletariat intelligentsia to manage the soviet socialist country. But on the contrary to the official policy under the premise to create socialist culture and to forster its own proletarian intelligentsia, the cultural revolution raised a new serious theoretical and pratical problem in the early 1930s.
To attack and purge the bourgeois intellectuals on the grandiose scale would bring about the problem of lowering the technical standards of 'worker specialists', making the regime be falled into trimendous difficulty to get the appropriate technical specialists needed in the highly allocated productivity and retarding the plan of first five-year industrialization policy. This dilemma was mingled with the power struggle between Stalinist group and his rivals and provided the plausible cause the Stalinists to criticize the cultural leftists.
As soon as the campaign of cultural revolution against the bourgeois elements was launched by the radical communist intellectual and young students among the higher institutes from 1928, it lost promptly its own autonomous power by calling into the intervention of the party and its propagitrop organ. Stalin used this movement to the utmost in order to make all the circles of culture such as scientists, artists, journalists and even technical specialists subjugated to the party power. With the official aim of building a highly industrialized strong state, Stalin interpreted without any inner conflict the cultural revolution essentially as being served for imroving the material and technical standard of productivity rather than for searching after the proletarian idealist culture and value. Upon this Stalin recruited hundreds of thousands of communists to higher technical education and promoted these graduates to the posts emptied after the great purges in the 1930s, calling them 'a new soviet intelligentsia.'
This newly forstered 'vydvizhentsy', the technically trained communists and workers and socially upward mobile group, would be the most important burearcratic cadres to back up the soviet regime as a new privileged social and political class in the 1930s. And this meant a new beginning of social inequality in the proletarian state.
To attack and purge the bourgeois intellectuals on the grandiose scale would bring about the problem of lowering the technical standards of 'worker specialists', making the regime be falled into trimendous difficulty to get the appropriate technical specialists needed in the highly allocated productivity and retarding the plan of first five-year industrialization policy. This dilemma was mingled with the power struggle between Stalinist group and his rivals and provided the plausible cause the Stalinists to criticize the cultural leftists.
As soon as the campaign of cultural revolution against the bourgeois elements was launched by the radical communist intellectual and young students among the higher institutes from 1928, it lost promptly its own autonomous power by calling into the intervention of the party and its propagitrop organ. Stalin used this movement to the utmost in order to make all the circles of culture such as scientists, artists, journalists and even technical specialists subjugated to the party power. With the official aim of building a highly industrialized strong state, Stalin interpreted without any inner conflict the cultural revolution essentially as being served for imroving the material and technical standard of productivity rather than for searching after the proletarian idealist culture and value. Upon this Stalin recruited hundreds of thousands of communists to higher technical education and promoted these graduates to the posts emptied after the great purges in the 1930s, calling them 'a new soviet intelligentsia.'
This newly forstered 'vydvizhentsy', the technically trained communists and workers and socially upward mobile group, would be the most important burearcratic cadres to back up the soviet regime as a new privileged social and political class in the 1930s. And this meant a new beginning of social inequality in the proletarian state.
목차
Ⅰ. 서론
Ⅱ. 〈문화혁명〉과 우파에 대한 공격
Ⅲ. 1928-32년 〈붉은 전문가〉양성정책
Ⅳ. 〈문화혁명〉노선의 급전환
Ⅴ. 스탈린 시대의 사회적 기반과 〈뷔드비진쯔〉의 관계
Ⅵ. 결론
Abstract
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