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This study deals mainly with the progress of the Oriental Development Company's emigration project and with the Korean resistance against the emigration project. The purpose of the ODC's project was to establish the human resource for permanently dominating Korea, by emigrating Japanese smallholders for an assimilation policy = 'Japanizing Korea'. It was the form creating self-cultivators.
However, the ODC changed it's emigration project to landlord style as the tenancy emigrations, group emigrations and self-cultivating emigrations showed the faults. They had the objective of building 'ideal' Japanese towns grouped by birthplace and placed through out the national wide. Generally, more Japanese emigrants were placed where Japanese landlordism was developed. The emigration project grew less gradually and escape rate grew more. In 1933 there were only 3,895 cases left in Korea. The composition within classes partly had shown the growth but mostly had shown the phenomenon of ruin.
Even though the ODC had supported the capital and the technics for the agrarian innovations, the mobilization of labors, the various low-interest loans and welfare facilities, it was difficult to keep propelling the project. And also there were two reasons for this. First reason was the activation of the peasant movement caused by the dispossession of tenure and high rate rent with the emigration. Second reason was that the depression of the economy and decease in profit margin on emigration and the economy situation, which were caused by a fall of a rice price and a rise of a distributed land price. For overcoming this situation, the emigrants developed the petition movement against the ODC and the Japanese government for the better balance. Bongsankun emigration union (봉산군 이민조합) was best known.
The emigration project had contributed to 'the assimilation of Japanese-Korean' policy by a degree but, on the contrary, brought reverse effects. In essence, it included the national conflicts and the class conflicts. Therefor the more the project was propelled, the more reverse effects got worst. Peasants, who were victims, developed the opposition movement to the emigration and thereby intellectuals rose anti-Japanese emigration campaign. Eventually it was developed to the social movement in which every and each social group as well as Shingan-hoe(新幹會) participated.
The most representative peasant movement was occurred in the ODC' farms on Hanghaedo Jaeryuongkun bukyulmyon namyulri(황해도 재령군 북율면 남율리) and Bongsankun Sainmyon(봉산군 사인면) around the early 1920's. Peasants who experienced the resistance movement to land tax in the past, argued the lower rent rate and the abolition of emigration vigorously, when the Japanese denied the cultivation right and, on the other hand, migrated the Japanese landlords to enforce the landlord system.
It produced two significant results. One result is that it prevented Japanese from immigrating to Korea which leaded to stabilize the tenancy for Korean peasants in long term. The other result is the frustration of the assimilation policy.
However, the ODC changed it's emigration project to landlord style as the tenancy emigrations, group emigrations and self-cultivating emigrations showed the faults. They had the objective of building 'ideal' Japanese towns grouped by birthplace and placed through out the national wide. Generally, more Japanese emigrants were placed where Japanese landlordism was developed. The emigration project grew less gradually and escape rate grew more. In 1933 there were only 3,895 cases left in Korea. The composition within classes partly had shown the growth but mostly had shown the phenomenon of ruin.
Even though the ODC had supported the capital and the technics for the agrarian innovations, the mobilization of labors, the various low-interest loans and welfare facilities, it was difficult to keep propelling the project. And also there were two reasons for this. First reason was the activation of the peasant movement caused by the dispossession of tenure and high rate rent with the emigration. Second reason was that the depression of the economy and decease in profit margin on emigration and the economy situation, which were caused by a fall of a rice price and a rise of a distributed land price. For overcoming this situation, the emigrants developed the petition movement against the ODC and the Japanese government for the better balance. Bongsankun emigration union (봉산군 이민조합) was best known.
The emigration project had contributed to 'the assimilation of Japanese-Korean' policy by a degree but, on the contrary, brought reverse effects. In essence, it included the national conflicts and the class conflicts. Therefor the more the project was propelled, the more reverse effects got worst. Peasants, who were victims, developed the opposition movement to the emigration and thereby intellectuals rose anti-Japanese emigration campaign. Eventually it was developed to the social movement in which every and each social group as well as Shingan-hoe(新幹會) participated.
The most representative peasant movement was occurred in the ODC' farms on Hanghaedo Jaeryuongkun bukyulmyon namyulri(황해도 재령군 북율면 남율리) and Bongsankun Sainmyon(봉산군 사인면) around the early 1920's. Peasants who experienced the resistance movement to land tax in the past, argued the lower rent rate and the abolition of emigration vigorously, when the Japanese denied the cultivation right and, on the other hand, migrated the Japanese landlords to enforce the landlord system.
It produced two significant results. One result is that it prevented Japanese from immigrating to Korea which leaded to stabilize the tenancy for Korean peasants in long term. The other result is the frustration of the assimilation policy.
목차
1. 머리말
2. 東拓移民論과 이주 실태
3. 동척의 ‘보호장려’ 시설과 동척이민의 陳情運動
4. 동척이민 반대운동과 그 결과
5. 맺음말
Abstract
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