지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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The Putin and Medvedev administrations of the 2000s, unlike their predecessors, have defined the territorial disputes on the South Kuril Islands as Japan’s unilateral territorial claims, and not territorial conflicts between Russia and Japan, taking the position that the only resolution to this territorial issue is the fulfillment of obligations under the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration; that is, they took the stance that the only resolution is the one in accordance with the “1956 model.”
It is because Russia knows well that Tokyo cannot accept the 1956 model, that the Kremlin took a hard stance. In fact, there are no specific and explicit references to this dispute in all documents and agreements signed between previous Russian and Japanese governments.
However, the 1956 joint declaration cannot be ignored, as it is the only legal document to have been ratified by the parliaments of both challenges to its territories and borders that emerged as a result of World War II. Russia is aware that if it were to “return” these territories to Japan, it could be subject to territorial claims from other countries.
It is because Russia knows well that Tokyo cannot accept the 1956 model, that the Kremlin took a hard stance. In fact, there are no specific and explicit references to this dispute in all documents and agreements signed between previous Russian and Japanese governments.
However, the 1956 joint declaration cannot be ignored, as it is the only legal document to have been ratified by the parliaments of both challenges to its territories and borders that emerged as a result of World War II. Russia is aware that if it were to “return” these territories to Japan, it could be subject to territorial claims from other countries.
목차
Abstract
1. 들어가며
2. 남쿠릴열도의 경제적·전략적 가치
3. 영토문제의 발생과 1990년대 말까지 러시아의 입장
3. 2000년대 러시아의 입장
4. 결론
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2014-050-002669162