지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
This paper examines in detail the origin of fang (坊), the residential unit that had been observed ever since the time of Pingcheng (平城), the city constructed early in BeiWei(北魏) period. The fang designates a spatial unit surrounded by high walls. The term formally appeared first in Pingcheng of BeiWei. The fang was an exclusive space to accommodate people to be controlled, and therefore was different in nature form the li(里), the ancient Chinese spatial unit, This paper finds its origin in the fortresses constructed in the territory of Xiongnu(匈奴), i.e, the cities scattered through the Xiongnu lands and gutal(區脫) on the frontier. Although such fortresses were distributed widely under the Xiongnu, they were especially concentrated on the southern frontier where raids were launched or on river banks where agriculture could be carried out. There fortresses did not play the role of center to a region or to a political power as in the sedentary lands. For instance, the fortresses were not organized into a hierarchy under the Chanyuting(單于庭), that may be considered the Xiongnu capital, Those fortresses were only accommodating space where the captured agriculturalists and artisans were put to labor to produce certain products. This basic function of fortresses among nomadic peoples continued in spite of many changes in the environment and political and military situations since the sourthward movement and transgression of the Great Walls(長城) by Xiongnu and other nomads. One added element is the transformation of the fortress into a political center. It is for this reason a special palace area was prepared in a part of the fortress. Surrounding the central fortress were placed other related fortresses.
Such transformed fortresses emerged under various regimes established by Southern Xiongnu(南匈奴). They doubled as tribal center and accommodation of the ruled. This characteristics can be seen from the function of Tongwancheng(統萬城) and surrounding fortresses under Helian Xia(赫連夏). The capital city is encircled by several fortresses that were tribal centers. It became more clearly centralized at Shenglecheng(盛樂城), the capital city of Daiguo(代國). While Tongwancheng was constituted of two fortresses, Shenglecheng was divided into three units and had fewer fortresses around it. In other words the adjacent fortresses were gradually integrated into the capital, At the stage of Pingcheng, the capital of BeiWei, it came to have many fangs south of the palace. Although there is no record, they would have numbered more than a hundred. This increase in number originated form the migration and resettlement in the capital area of tribes that had been scattered in the provinces, as we can see in the phrase of "dissolution of tribal villages(部落解散)". Pingcheng clearly shows the centripetality. In this trend, the fang of Pingcheng as an exclusive space enclosed by walls that accommodated 60 houses at the least and 500 at the most. The size of fang certainly varied greatly, but it was an enclosed space surrounded by high walls. We may corroborate this in the security institution of Pingcheng or from the cases in which the term fang was used in the WeiJinNanBeiChao (魏晋南北朝) period. Therefor it is substantially different from the usual Chinese spatial unit "li(里)" of ancient Chinese origin. Afterwards, in Luoyang (洛陽), the capital in late BeiWei period included approximately 320 fangs. These fangs were not uniform in size, as the Princely fang (Wangzifang: 王子坊) was far larger than others. Particularly the existence of Princely Fang is significant. Considering archaeological excavation results in Datong (大同) area, there are possibilities that the western half of Pingcheng could have been a tent-town where the Xianbei (鮮卑) including the Tuoba(拓跋) tribe resided.
I have tried to examine the distribution of residents into fangs in Pingcheng, BeiWei. However, it was a rather difficult job, compared to the case of Luoyang for which there remain directly relevant sources such as Luoyangqielanji(洛陽伽藍記). I only attempted to reconstruct it through the records dealing with the dissolution of tribal villages carried out under early Beiwei period, and to find the residential area of thus transferred population. The result has not been very satisfactory. Yet at least this study partly identified the residential quarters of Han Chinese and Barbarians, i, e. those who came from old tribal villages (including the Tuoba tribe) and the location of residences where the migrants newly settled down. I expect that new archaeological findings in the future would facilitate the attainment of better results.
Such transformed fortresses emerged under various regimes established by Southern Xiongnu(南匈奴). They doubled as tribal center and accommodation of the ruled. This characteristics can be seen from the function of Tongwancheng(統萬城) and surrounding fortresses under Helian Xia(赫連夏). The capital city is encircled by several fortresses that were tribal centers. It became more clearly centralized at Shenglecheng(盛樂城), the capital city of Daiguo(代國). While Tongwancheng was constituted of two fortresses, Shenglecheng was divided into three units and had fewer fortresses around it. In other words the adjacent fortresses were gradually integrated into the capital, At the stage of Pingcheng, the capital of BeiWei, it came to have many fangs south of the palace. Although there is no record, they would have numbered more than a hundred. This increase in number originated form the migration and resettlement in the capital area of tribes that had been scattered in the provinces, as we can see in the phrase of "dissolution of tribal villages(部落解散)". Pingcheng clearly shows the centripetality. In this trend, the fang of Pingcheng as an exclusive space enclosed by walls that accommodated 60 houses at the least and 500 at the most. The size of fang certainly varied greatly, but it was an enclosed space surrounded by high walls. We may corroborate this in the security institution of Pingcheng or from the cases in which the term fang was used in the WeiJinNanBeiChao (魏晋南北朝) period. Therefor it is substantially different from the usual Chinese spatial unit "li(里)" of ancient Chinese origin. Afterwards, in Luoyang (洛陽), the capital in late BeiWei period included approximately 320 fangs. These fangs were not uniform in size, as the Princely fang (Wangzifang: 王子坊) was far larger than others. Particularly the existence of Princely Fang is significant. Considering archaeological excavation results in Datong (大同) area, there are possibilities that the western half of Pingcheng could have been a tent-town where the Xianbei (鮮卑) including the Tuoba(拓跋) tribe resided.
I have tried to examine the distribution of residents into fangs in Pingcheng, BeiWei. However, it was a rather difficult job, compared to the case of Luoyang for which there remain directly relevant sources such as Luoyangqielanji(洛陽伽藍記). I only attempted to reconstruct it through the records dealing with the dissolution of tribal villages carried out under early Beiwei period, and to find the residential area of thus transferred population. The result has not been very satisfactory. Yet at least this study partly identified the residential quarters of Han Chinese and Barbarians, i, e. those who came from old tribal villages (including the Tuoba tribe) and the location of residences where the migrants newly settled down. I expect that new archaeological findings in the future would facilitate the attainment of better results.
목차
Ⅰ. 序論
Ⅱ. ‘無城郭’의 意味와 遊牧民族의 城
Ⅲ. 南匈奴의 城
Ⅳ. 鮮卑의 城
Ⅴ. 결론
〈Abstract〉
참고문헌 (0)
참고문헌 신청함께 읽어보면 좋을 논문
논문 유사도에 따라 DBpia 가 추천하는 논문입니다. 함께 보면 좋을 연관 논문을 확인해보세요!
-
城郭의 位置解析에 關한 考察
헤리티지:역사와 과학
1984 .01
-
성곽(城郭), 한반도의 숨결을 지켜주다
인물과사상
2007 .07
-
高麗後期 農地改墾과 新生村
역사와 담론
2003 .04
-
고고한 시적 체험과 자기 발견 : 시인 오화룡론
어문론집
2017 .09
-
충남지역 동제의 성격과 제의구조 고찰
어문연구
2009 .01
-
안동지역의 제례에 따른 음식문화(II) -동제(洞祭)와 제물(祭物)-
한국식생활문화학회지
1996 .01
-
濟州 大靜縣城의 築城과 構造
문화사학
2018 .06
-
後燕의 代北 遊牧諸部 정책과 拓跋部의 부상 ― 登國年間 後燕-拓跋部 관계의 原像
대동문화연구
2019 .01
-
1970년대 원주지역의 부락개발사업 연구 : 재해대책사업위원회의 초기 활동을 중심으로
역사와현실
2011 .12
-
평택 칠원 마을이 최우수 새마을이 된 사연
역사와현실
2009 .12
-
Homing Plots and Trickster Characters in Native American Stories and Novels
새한영어영문학
2007 .05
-
The Underground Village
Korea Journal
1976 .04
-
설화에 의한 문화주권 인식과 마을문화 읽기
어문학
2008 .03
-
1930년대 연변지역 韓人 ‘集團部落'의 설치와 통제적 생활상
한국독립운동사연구
2008 .06
-
일제시기 촌락 재편과 촌락의관습법적 성격
대구사학
2006 .01
-
新羅 中古期 행정촌 · 자연촌 문제의 검토 : 城山山城 木簡과「冷水里碑」를 중심으로
한국고대사연구
2007 .12
-
마을 만들기와 마을민속의 활용방안
한국민속학
2008 .11
-
“What is to be done?” : Body Dismemberment, Bonded Prostitution, and Impossible Social Justice in “Douloti the Bountiful” by Mahasweta Devi
영어영문학
2017 .11
-
마을 天祭의 구조와 성격
한국민속학
2019 .05
이 논문의 저자 정보
이 논문과 함께 이용한 논문
최근 본 자료
댓글(0)
0
UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2010-911-002972237