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학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
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This paper explains the strained parallel logic between the ‘Military-first Politics,’ adopted by Kim Jong-Il’s regime after the mid 1990s, and the ‘North Korean’ economic reform such as the ‘The July Measures for Improving Economic Management’(7·1 Measures) enforced in 2002. While reevaluating the ‘7·1 Measures’ particularly through examination of functions and conditions for its ‘Military-first Politics,’ aspects not only of market reform but also, and more, of financial reform will be observed, thereby establishing the embedded logic between the two movements.
By 1990s in North Korea, self-generating marketization expanded to become the main cause of internal threat to Kim Jong-Il’s regime, while elements of external threat also expanded as the DPRK-US relationship came to a deadlock. North Korean authorities have coped with these threats by promoting two functional aspects of the ‘Military-first Politics,’ such as ‘surveillance state’ and ‘Defense Industry-first Principle.’ On the other hand, in 2002 they have imported parts of the market mechanism through the ‘7·1 Measures’ and its follow-up measures, and have tried to carry out a more efficient resource allocation. Engaged with advancement of inter-Korean relations and DPRK-Japan relations, and inflow of foreign currency generated by the Kaesong Industrial Complex and the Mt. Keumgang tour, these efforts has had partly contributed to North Korea’s overcoming a crisis.
However, as long as the deadlock relationship between North Korea and US dissolves improvement of supply capability cannot be sustained, and the deepening of self-generating marketization will enlarge the likelihood of reinforcement the function of a ‘surveillance state.’ Therefore, maintaining ‘Military-first Politics’ and ‘military state’ was an inevitable choice, and it can also be identified, within this context, that the ‘7·1 Measures’ was enforced strategically in order to transfer more resources of the people’s economy to government finance. Such aspects of financial reformation in the ‘7·1 Measures’ acts as an intermediary basis that makes strained parallelism between ‘Military-first Politics’ and ‘North Korean’ economic reform feasible, and also verifies Kim Jong-Il regime’s ‘paradoxical yet realistic’ dual strategy.
By 1990s in North Korea, self-generating marketization expanded to become the main cause of internal threat to Kim Jong-Il’s regime, while elements of external threat also expanded as the DPRK-US relationship came to a deadlock. North Korean authorities have coped with these threats by promoting two functional aspects of the ‘Military-first Politics,’ such as ‘surveillance state’ and ‘Defense Industry-first Principle.’ On the other hand, in 2002 they have imported parts of the market mechanism through the ‘7·1 Measures’ and its follow-up measures, and have tried to carry out a more efficient resource allocation. Engaged with advancement of inter-Korean relations and DPRK-Japan relations, and inflow of foreign currency generated by the Kaesong Industrial Complex and the Mt. Keumgang tour, these efforts has had partly contributed to North Korea’s overcoming a crisis.
However, as long as the deadlock relationship between North Korea and US dissolves improvement of supply capability cannot be sustained, and the deepening of self-generating marketization will enlarge the likelihood of reinforcement the function of a ‘surveillance state.’ Therefore, maintaining ‘Military-first Politics’ and ‘military state’ was an inevitable choice, and it can also be identified, within this context, that the ‘7·1 Measures’ was enforced strategically in order to transfer more resources of the people’s economy to government finance. Such aspects of financial reformation in the ‘7·1 Measures’ acts as an intermediary basis that makes strained parallelism between ‘Military-first Politics’ and ‘North Korean’ economic reform feasible, and also verifies Kim Jong-Il regime’s ‘paradoxical yet realistic’ dual strategy.
목차
1. 서론
2. 기존 논의 검토
3. 대내적 위협과 감시국가화
4. 대외적 위협과 ‘국방공업우선주의’
5. ‘북한식’ 경제개혁의 양면성: ‘7·1 조치’의 재평가
6. 결론
참고문헌
Abstract
참고문헌 (93)
참고문헌 신청
1. [단행본] - 김인옥 / 2003 / 김정일장군 선군정치리론 / 평양출판사
2. [기타자료] - 김정일 / 1997 / 혁명과 건설에서 주체성과 민족성을 고수할 데 대하여 / 로동신문
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 김정일 / 1997 / 우리는 지금 식량 때문에 무정부상태가 되고 있다: 1996년 12월 김일성종합대학 창립 50돐 기념 김정일의 연설문 / 월간조선
4. [단행본] - 김정일,"올해를 강성대국건설의 위대한 전환의 해로 빛내이자:조선로동당 중앙위원회 책임일군들과 한 담화"(1999년 1월 1일) / 2000 / 올해를 강성대국건설의 위대한 전환의 해로 빛내이자: 조선로동당 중앙위원회 책임일군들과 한 담화 / 조선로동당출판사
5. [단행본] - 김철우 / 2000 / 김정일장군의 선군정치 / 평양출판사
2. [기타자료] - 김정일 / 1997 / 혁명과 건설에서 주체성과 민족성을 고수할 데 대하여 / 로동신문
3. [학술지(정기간행물)] - 김정일 / 1997 / 우리는 지금 식량 때문에 무정부상태가 되고 있다: 1996년 12월 김일성종합대학 창립 50돐 기념 김정일의 연설문 / 월간조선
4. [단행본] - 김정일,"올해를 강성대국건설의 위대한 전환의 해로 빛내이자:조선로동당 중앙위원회 책임일군들과 한 담화"(1999년 1월 1일) / 2000 / 올해를 강성대국건설의 위대한 전환의 해로 빛내이자: 조선로동당 중앙위원회 책임일군들과 한 담화 / 조선로동당출판사
5. [단행본] - 김철우 / 2000 / 김정일장군의 선군정치 / 평양출판사
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