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This paper investigates into the root and embedded clause distinction in complementizer and negation realization in Korean. We show that complementizer and negation in matrix clause can wait to be merged until covert syntax, especially in fragment and its kin constructions. However, those in embedded clause cannot utilize this strategy; in other words, they must be merged at overt syntax in the course of derivation. We suggest that this root and embedded clause distinction in Korean can be understood on a par with that in regard to wh-movement of French discussed by Boskovič (2000)
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참고문헌 (11)
참고문헌 신청
Boskovi?, ?eliko / 2000 / Sometimes in SpecCP, sometimes in situ. In Step by Step: Essays in Honor of Howard Lasnik, ed. Roger Martin, David Michaels and Juan Uriagereka / MIT Press : 53
Cheng,Lisa / 1991 / On the typology of wh-questions / 박사 / MIT
Chung, Daeho / 2008 / On the syntax of non-final predicate construction in Korean / A paper presented at the 2008 Winter LSK Conference
Hasegawa,Nobuko / 2005 / The EPP materialized first, Agree Later: Wh-questions, subjects and mo ‘also’-phrases / Scientific Approaches to Language 4 : 33 ~ 80
Kim,Jeong-Seok / 1997 / Syntactic movement and ellipsis: A minimalist approach / 박사 / University of Connecticut, Storrs.
Cheng,Lisa / 1991 / On the typology of wh-questions / 박사 / MIT
Chung, Daeho / 2008 / On the syntax of non-final predicate construction in Korean / A paper presented at the 2008 Winter LSK Conference
Hasegawa,Nobuko / 2005 / The EPP materialized first, Agree Later: Wh-questions, subjects and mo ‘also’-phrases / Scientific Approaches to Language 4 : 33 ~ 80
Kim,Jeong-Seok / 1997 / Syntactic movement and ellipsis: A minimalist approach / 박사 / University of Connecticut, Storrs.
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