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The DPRK-Japan summit held on September 17, 2002 was a splendid achievement which laid the foundation stone of peace and prosperity in East Asia by confirming the way to normalization of diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Almost all of the authorities and intellectuals at home and abroad supported the outcomes of the negotiation. In addition, the great majority of Japanese people had a high opinion of Koizumi’s visit to Pyongyang. On the other hand, the families of kidnapping victims and anti-North Korean activists opposed normalization without settlement of the abduction issue. But, in comparison to the overwhelming support, such naysayers were a minority, immediately following the Pyongyang summit.
Although thirteen years have passed, the DPRK-Japan Pyongyang Declaration signed by Kim Jong-il and Koizumi Junichiro at the first summit, has produced no concrete results. This means a victory for the minority opponents over the majority supporters of the Kim-Koizumi Declaration. The decision not to return the five kidnapped people who came from Japan ‘temporarily’ to visit their home town was a crucial point of the ‘reverse course’ in Japan. Abe Shinzo took the initiative of this course. Under Abe’s initiative, the Japanese government decided on the ‘Abduction issue first, Normalization second’ policy. After that Abe became the key man of Japanese politics.
As long as the Japanese government maintains the policy of putting the settlement of the abduction issue as the condition of starting normalization talks, normalization of relations between the DPRK and Japan seems to be very remote. However, the Pyongyang Declaration is still the basic document which regulates the relationship between the two countries. Prime Minister Abe shares a common responsibility with former Prime Minister Koizumi for the Declaration because he had been in attendance when it was the made. From the standpoint of the DPRK, the Pyongyang Declaration is the most important diplomatic document because the late ‘Great Leader’ Kim Jong-il signed it. Recently, the atmosphere among the victims’ families is said to be changing. The hard-liners are retreating, while the dialogue seekers are rising.
Normalization of the relationship between the two countries is the last challenge for peace and prosperity in East Asia. So, the leaders of the two countries cannot avoid their historical duty forever. When the Declaration gets the ‘historical’ gravity it deserves, the making of an East Asian community will restart.
Although thirteen years have passed, the DPRK-Japan Pyongyang Declaration signed by Kim Jong-il and Koizumi Junichiro at the first summit, has produced no concrete results. This means a victory for the minority opponents over the majority supporters of the Kim-Koizumi Declaration. The decision not to return the five kidnapped people who came from Japan ‘temporarily’ to visit their home town was a crucial point of the ‘reverse course’ in Japan. Abe Shinzo took the initiative of this course. Under Abe’s initiative, the Japanese government decided on the ‘Abduction issue first, Normalization second’ policy. After that Abe became the key man of Japanese politics.
As long as the Japanese government maintains the policy of putting the settlement of the abduction issue as the condition of starting normalization talks, normalization of relations between the DPRK and Japan seems to be very remote. However, the Pyongyang Declaration is still the basic document which regulates the relationship between the two countries. Prime Minister Abe shares a common responsibility with former Prime Minister Koizumi for the Declaration because he had been in attendance when it was the made. From the standpoint of the DPRK, the Pyongyang Declaration is the most important diplomatic document because the late ‘Great Leader’ Kim Jong-il signed it. Recently, the atmosphere among the victims’ families is said to be changing. The hard-liners are retreating, while the dialogue seekers are rising.
Normalization of the relationship between the two countries is the last challenge for peace and prosperity in East Asia. So, the leaders of the two countries cannot avoid their historical duty forever. When the Declaration gets the ‘historical’ gravity it deserves, the making of an East Asian community will restart.
목차
1. 2002년 9월 17일: ‘역사가 움직이고 비극이 남았다’
2. 북일평양선언의 내용: ‘통 큰 외교’와 ‘고통스러운 결단’
3. 국제사회의 평가: ‘화해의 시대’의 개막
4. 일본 국내의 평가: “전후 일본 외교사에 남을 성공”
5. 일본 사회의 역폭풍: ‘반동의 시대’의 개막
6. ‘납치의 회오리바람’ 속에서
7. 북일 관계정상화와 동아시아의 평화 구상
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