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논문 기본 정보

자료유형
학술대회자료
저자정보
孫朝奮 (斯坦福大學)
저널정보
한국중어중문학회 한국중어중문학회 학술대회 자료집 한국중어중문학회 2019년도 추계연합국제학술대회
발행연도
2019.11
수록면
3 - 14 (12page)

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This is a study of the similarities and differences between three Old Chinese nominalizers, 之zhi, 者zhe, and 所suo, with respect to their basic referential meanings, pragmatic functions, and thematic importance. The basic functions of the NPs with zhi in Old Chinese are to signal genitive or nominal modification. Their referential properties (such as definite, referential, non-referential, etc.), resembling the NPs of this kind in other languages in the world, are mostly contextually determined. The basic functions of suo and zhe are to signal a non-referential objective or subjective pronominal respectively, as well as referring to kind/set information rather than a specific entity. Pragmatically speaking, they both function to introduce into discourse background information or participants nonexistent in the preceded context for the sake of coherence. However, unlike suo NPs, NPs with zhe can be definite, referential, non-referential or thematically important participants, correlating to the attitude and belief of a certain entity’s importance that a speaker/writer believes in a given discourse. In comparison, suo marks NPs with lower discourse importance, typically representing a non-referential, yet restrictive, background set. On the other hand, zhe not only marks a restrictive set that is non-existent in the preceded discourse but also an adverbial condition or important topic as a most grammatical marker among the three under investigation. After the emergence of the existential construction with 有一 you yi construction in Middle Chinese, the Old Chinese zhe gradually became out of use. In short, the referential properties of NPs with both zhi and zhe are typically not inherently but contextually determined.

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摘要
1. 序言
2. 多功能的者字短語:指稱和話題
3. 結語
〈參考文獻〉
Abstract

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