지원사업
학술연구/단체지원/교육 등 연구자 활동을 지속하도록 DBpia가 지원하고 있어요.
커뮤니티
연구자들이 자신의 연구와 전문성을 널리 알리고, 새로운 협력의 기회를 만들 수 있는 네트워킹 공간이에요.
초록· 키워드
오류제보하기
Despite free word order and the rich case marking system, dative constructions in Korean have been analyzed as syntactically analogous to the English dative alternation. On the basis of a careful examination of quantifier scope interpretation in two different dative constructions, this paper challenges this analysis and argues for an alternative analysis which posits a different structure for the multiple accusative construction in Korean and the double object construction in English. I demonstrate that this analysis, when combined with syntactic locality and an account of the preferred interpretation of topical indefinites, provides a principled explanation for the absence of scope asymmetry in the two dative constructions in Korean and different scope properties of sentences with an indefinite recipient and sentences with a universally quantified recipient.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Quantifier Scope Interactions in Dative Constructions in Korean
3. Topicality, Specificity and Quantifier Scope
4. Accounting for Quantifier Scope Interactions
5. Conclusion
References
참고문헌 (46)
참고문헌 신청
Bruening, Benjamin / 2001 / QR obeys Superiority / Linguistic Inquiry 32(2):233~273
Bruening, Benjamin / 2010 / Ditransitive Asymmetries and a Theory of Idiom Formation / Linguistic Inquiry 41(4):519~562
Chafe, Wallace / 1987 / Coherence and Grounding in Discourse / John Benjamins :21~50
Cho, Eun / 1996 / Morphosyntax in Generative Grammar / Hankuk Publishing :113~122
Choi, Hye-Won / 2001 / Optimality-theoretic Syntax / MIT Press :143~169
Bruening, Benjamin / 2010 / Ditransitive Asymmetries and a Theory of Idiom Formation / Linguistic Inquiry 41(4):519~562
Chafe, Wallace / 1987 / Coherence and Grounding in Discourse / John Benjamins :21~50
Cho, Eun / 1996 / Morphosyntax in Generative Grammar / Hankuk Publishing :113~122
Choi, Hye-Won / 2001 / Optimality-theoretic Syntax / MIT Press :143~169
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UCI(KEPA) : I410-ECN-0101-2020-701-001291501